03-12-2023
财政部
美联储理事会
联邦存款保险公司
美东时间下午 6:15 发布
华盛顿特区——财政部长珍妮特·耶伦、联邦储备委员会主席杰罗姆·H·鲍威尔和 FDIC 主席马丁·J·格伦伯格发表了以下声明：
今天，我们正在采取果断行动，通过增强公众对我们银行系统的信心来保护美国经济。 此步骤将确保美国银行系统继续发挥其保护存款的重要作用，并以促进强劲和可持续经济增长的方式为家庭和企业提供信贷渠道。
在收到 FDIC 和美联储董事会的建议并与总统协商后，耶伦国务卿批准采取行动，使 FDIC 能够以充分保护所有储户的方式完成其对加利福尼亚州圣克拉拉硅谷银行的决议 . 从 3 月 13 日星期一开始，储户将可以使用他们所有的钱。与硅谷银行的决议相关的损失不会由纳税人承担。
我们还宣布纽约 Signature Bank 的类似系统性风险情况，该银行今天已被其州特许机构关闭。 该机构的所有存款人都将不受影响。与硅谷银行的决议一样，纳税人不会承担任何损失。
股东和某些无担保债务人将不受保护。 高级管理人员已被免职。 根据法律要求，存款保险基金为支持未投保的存款人而遭受的任何损失，将通过对银行进行特别评估来弥补。
最后，美国联邦储备委员会周日宣布，它将向符合条件的存款机构提供额外资金，以帮助确保银行有能力满足所有存款人的需求。
美国银行体系保持弹性且基础稳固，这在很大程度上归功于金融危机后为确保银行业获得更好保障而进行的改革。 这些改革与今天的行动相结合，表明我们承诺采取必要措施确保储户的储蓄安全。
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When Hussain AlMoosawi arrived home, he didn’t recognize anything.
The Emirati photographer, who had spent eight years studying in Australia, returned to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 2013. He’d missed a real estate boom of dizzying proportions: not just new buildings, but new districts.
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More than that, the buildings of his childhood were disappearing, replaced by shiny new skyscrapers.
But for AlMoosawi, these international icons were not the urban fabric of his home: it was the oft-overlooked, mid-century office towers and residential blocks squeezed between new highways and overshadowed by luxury developments that felt most familiar.
It sparked a desire to “understand the urban context of the UAE,” and AlMoosawi set out to meticulously document and capture these underappreciated buildings, “and reimagine the city as if it were the ‘80s, the time when I was born.”
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Initially focusing on industrial landscapes, temporary structures and air conditioning units, he began to notice symmetry in many of the buildings he was photographing, inspiring his current project: facades.
“Facades are like a face,” said AlMoosawi. “It’s something that people connect with.”
His bold, geometric images strip away context to spotlight the character and diversity of everyday buildings. Using a telephoto lens to shoot close-ups from the ground or elevated positions, AlMoosawi carefully frames out distractions and sometimes removes minor obstructions like lampposts in post-processing.
So far, the 41-year-old, who is editor-in-chief for National Geographic AlArabiya Magazine, has photographed over 600 building?s across the UAE, and next year hopes to complete his collection in Abu Dhabi, where he lives.
In the long term, he hopes to turn the “lifetime project” into an interactive archive that both preserves urban heritage and invites viewers to rediscover their own city.
“Our cities aren’t big, in terms of scale, compared to many other cities,” said AlMoosawi. “But then they have a story to tell, they have things between the lines that we don’t see, and my quest is to see these things.”
Since India’s independence from Britain in 1947, the status of English in India has been deeply political – entwined with questions of identity, power, and national direction.
Today, English is one of several official languages in India, spoken by about 10% of the population. Hindi is the first language for around 44% of citizens, according to the 2011 census.
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But in recent years, Modi’s BJP has placed particular emphasis on promoting Hindi and reducing the use of English in public life.
The prime minister almost never delivers speeches in English, preferring Hindi for national addresses such as his monthly radio program. His administration has encouraged officials to use Hindi on social media and in government correspondence – though, after criticism from non-Hindi-speaking states, clarified that this was intended mainly for the Hindi belt in the north.
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When India hosted world leaders for the 2023 G20 summit in New Delhi, invitations were sent out from “Bharat” – the Sanskrit or Hindi name for the country – instead of “India,” fueling speculation that the government aims to ultimately phase out the country’s English designation altogether.
Modi’s critics have been quick to note his political motives behind these moves.
With its roots in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing organization that advocates Hindu hegemony within India, the BJP’s language policies resonate with many in a country where nearly 80% of people are Hindu.
Analysts say the BJP is seeking to capitalize on this demographic by promoting language policies that strengthen its support base in the north.
According to Rita Kothari, an English professor from Ashoka University, the government “is certainly interested in homogenizing the country and making Hindi more widespread.”
But that policy can also backfire – in part because many regions, such as Marathi-speaking Maharashtra in the west – are staunchly proud of their local language.
The violent clashes in the state’s megacity Mumbai earlier this month were sparked by the regional government’s controversial decision to make Hindi a compulsory third language in public primary schools.
Pushback and protest has also been especially strong in the south, where English and regional languages such as Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada are valued as symbols of local identity and autonomy.
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